《当代亚洲》（Journal of Contemporary Asia）是一份1970年起出版的学术期刊。该期刊每年出版4次，内容涵盖亚洲的经济、政治和社会发展。目前，期刊的主编为其创办人Peter Limqueco以及Kevin Hewison。据2020年的期刊引证报告，《当代亚洲》的影响因子为3.261。
本期目录
印尼警察执法是否过度暴力？2005-2014年警察枪击事件的动态
Is Indonesian Police Violence Excessive? The Dynamics of Police Shootings, 2005–2014
等级资本主义中的技能和培训：韩国职业培训的兴衰
Skills and Training in Hierarchical Capitalism: The Rise and Fall of Vocational Training in South Korea
孪生运动：改革后印度的国家、市场和非精英中产阶级
Twin Movement: State, Market and the Non-Elite Middle Class in Post-Reform India
大象横冲直撞的案例：巴基斯坦小镇中产阶级的政治
A Case of Rampaging Elephants: The Politics of the Middle Classes in Small-Town Pakistan
国内行为体与中国基础设施影响力的局限性：来自巴基斯坦的证据
Domestic Actors and the Limits of Chinese Infrastructure Power: Evidence from Pakistan
内容摘要
印尼警察执法是否过度暴力？2005-2014年警察枪击事件的动态
题目：Is Indonesian Police Violence Excessive? The Dynamics of Police Shootings, 2005–2014
作者：Jacqui Baker，莫道克大学亚洲研究中心讲师；Rus’an Nasrudin，印度尼西亚大学经济与社会研究所讲师。
摘要：在印度尼西亚，关于警察使用武力的争论对如何建构和理解警察枪击问题产生了经验和理论成果，但仍然缺乏数据支持。本文通过分析2005年至2014年(总统佐科· 维多多第一个任期前的九年)全国暴力监测系统(National Violence Monitoring System)数据集各省警察枪击率的时空模式，首次为填补这一空缺做出了贡献。它评估了警察枪击事件与警察在其工作环境中对威胁的感知之间的因果关系。在调查期间，本文发现虽然警察开枪率相对较低，但警察在与枪支有关的暴力方面占据明显的垄断地位，而且其工作环境的威胁感较低。本文在警察枪击事件和警察对威胁的感知之间未发现因果关系。
In Indonesia, debates about police use of force occur in the absence of data, with empirical and theoretical consequences for how the problem of police shootings is framed and understood. This article makes a first contribution to addressing that absence by analysing the National Violence Monitoring System dataset for spatial and temporal patterns in police shooting rates across provinces from 2005 to 2014, the nine years prior to the first term of President Joko Widodo. It assesses the causal relationship between police shootings and officer perceptions of threat in the environments where they operated threat. For the period surveyed, it is found that while police shooting rates were comparatively low, police officers had a significant monopoly on firearm-related violence and operated in environments of low perceived threat. No causal relationship is found between police shootings and police perceptions of threat.
等级资本主义中的技能和培训：韩国职业培训的兴衰
题目：Skills and Training in Hierarchical Capitalism: The Rise and Fall of Vocational Training in South Korea
作者：Timo Fleckenstein,伦敦经济学院社会政策系教授；Soohyun Christine Lee，伦敦国王学院欧洲与国际研究系高级讲师；Jaehyoung Park，伦敦经济学院社会政策系博士。
摘要：从教育和增长相辅相成的经济模式中，韩国已经形成了一种阻碍经济和社会进步的病态平衡。劳动生产率低下和技能不匹配破坏了该国的经济前景，在日益二元化的劳动力市场中，急剧上升的不平等削弱了社会凝聚力。不同政治派别的政府已经意识到这些挑战，并考虑重振职业教育和培训（VET）。然而，本文发现，当发展中国家的集体技能培养被废除时，大雇主是企业和政府之间碎片化联盟的核心，并将继续破坏任何有意义的职业技能培养的努力。本文认为，该国的等级生产制度以及与此相关的劳动力市场二元化为职业教育改革的连续失败提供了微观基础;如果不挑战大型雇主在韩国政治经济中的主导地位，不解决劳动力市场二元论问题，职业教育与培训政策改革的努力可能仍是徒劳的。
From an economic model in which education and growth reinforced each other, South Korea has developed a pathological equilibrium holding back economic and social progress. Low labour productivity and skills mismatch undermine the economic prospects of the country, and sharp rises in inequality in an ever more dualised labour market erode social cohesion. Governments of different political persuasion have recognised these challenges, and they have thought to reinvigorate vocational education and training (VET). However, this article shows that large employers – which were at the heart of a segmentalist coalition between business and government when collective skills formation of the Developmental State was dismantled – continue to undermine any efforts of meaningful vocational skills formation. It is argued that the country’s hierarchical production regime and, related to this, labour market dualisation provide the micro-foundations for successive failure in VET reform; and without challenging large employers’ dominant position in the Korean political economy and without addressing labour market dualism, the reform of VET policy can be expected to remain a futile endeavour.
孪生运动：改革后印度的国家、市场和非精英中产阶级
题目：Twin Movement: State, Market and the Non-Elite Middle Class in Post-Reform India
作者：Surya Prakash Upadhyay，印度理工学院曼迪人文与社会科学学院助理教授；Isha Jha，印度理工学院曼迪人文与社会科学学院博士。
摘要：本文通过印度的非精英阶层、普通中产阶级与国家机构和市场过程的相互作用，探讨了1991年开始的印度后改革时期的政治经济发展。本文引入了“孪生运动”这一概念，并修正了波兰尼关于福利和新自由主义国家的差异化领域的双重运动的概念，它限制了对国家与市场之间形成的隐性关系的探索;也限制了国家如何巧妙地使人们诉诸于市场制度和流程;并迫使/鼓励资本积累，以减轻新自由主义市场的挑战。这篇民族志文章将视线聚焦于重新建构与新自由主义市场逻辑相适应的国家机构上;以及这种重塑如何改变国家与公民的关系，并塑造主体性和“中产阶级”。在此过程中，本文描绘了非精英中产阶级如何在需求、欲望和愿望中定位;以及这些问题如何错综复杂地交织在构成新自由主义印度城市非精英中产阶级社会、经济和政治生活的日常不安全感、风险和脆弱性中。
This article explores political economic developments in India’s post-reform period that began in 1991 through the interactions of the non-elite, ordinary middle-class Indians and state institutions and market processes. The article introduces “twin movement” as a concept and revises the Polanyian notion of a double movement of differentiated domains of welfare and neo-liberal state which restricts exploring the tacit relationships that form between the state and the market; how the state subtly forces people to resort to market institutions and processes; and forces/encourages capital accumulation to mitigate challenges of the neo-liberal market. This ethnographic article draws attention to the re-modelling of state institutions that is attuned to neo-liberal market logics; and how this re-modelling modifies state–citizen relationships, and shapes subjectivity and “middleclassness.” In doing so, the article maps how non-elite middleclassness is located in demands, desires, and aspirations; and how intricately these are weaved into the everyday insecurities, risks, and vulnerabilities that constitute the social, economic, and political life of the urban non-elite middle class in neo-liberal India.
大象横冲直撞的案例：巴基斯坦小镇中产阶级的政治
题目：A Case of Rampaging Elephants: The Politics of the Middle Classes in Small-Town Pakistan
作者：Asha Amirali，巴斯大学发展研究中心和社会与政策科学系助理研究员。
摘要：本文借鉴了一年来对巴基斯坦农产品市场贸易商的民族志田野调查。文中分析了他们的业务和更广泛的网络战略，以展示他们——作为巴基斯坦中产阶级的一部分——在积累过程中如何看待国家并与之互动。商人的经济活动受习惯、契约和与国家官员的选择性接触(国家官员也有选择地与他们接触)的支配，不可避免地与违背民主原则的政治实践联系在一起。在交易者的所作所为中，既没有对公共利益的关注，也没有对程序性政治的关注;国家被视为积累的工具，而它本身似乎没有独立于地方统治阶级的计划;集体组织既可以替代国家监管职能，又可以避免其执法尝试。这些趋势进一步阻碍人们将中产阶级视为民主的催化剂，并对寻求改革国家的发展战略具有重要影响。
This article draws on a year of ethnographic fieldwork with traders in a Pakistani agricultural commodity market. It analyses their business and wider networking strategies to show how they – as a segment of Pakistan’s middle classes – perceive and interact with the state in the process of accumulation. Ordered by custom, contract, and selective engagement with state functionaries who also engage them selectively, traders’ economic activity is inextricably bound up with political practices that defy democratic principles. Neither a concern with the public good nor programmatic politics is visible in what traders do; the state is viewed as an instrument of accumulation while itself appearing to have no project of its own separate from the local dominant classes; and collective organisation both substitutes for the regulatory state and staves off its attempts at enforcement. These trends further militate against viewing the middle classes as catalysts of democracy and have important implications for development strategies seeking to reform the state.
国内行为体与中国基础设施影响力的局限性：来自巴基斯坦的证据
题目：Domestic Actors and the Limits of Chinese Infrastructure Power: Evidence from Pakistan
作者：Muhammad Tayyab Safdar，弗吉尼亚大学政治系助理教授。
摘要：“一带一路”倡议对中国的发展愿景至关重要。在“一带一路”倡议下，中国政策制定者一直致力于向发展中国家出口铁路系统，但一些项目的进展仍然有限。本文重点介绍与巴基斯坦计划中的铁路项目相关的延误：ML-1项目。它回答了以下问题：尽管中国对ML-1铁路项目有浓厚的兴趣，但是什么原因导致了该项目的延误？本文使用两步概念框架来回答这个问题。在第一步中，它强调了参与项目级谈判的铁路官员的作用。这表明，地方官员通过积极就技术参数谈判导致了项目的延误。中国企业在确保其同意的政策手段有限。在第二步中，本文通过分析政治和军事精英的作用，将延误置于巴基斯坦的政治经济背景下。本文还探讨了政治变革和经济因素对项目的影响，发现与当地政治精英的发展愿景不一致的项目将面临延误。国内政治变化也导致了拖延。此外，未能获得“主要否决者”的支持，加上经济问题和融资条件的分歧，限制了中国开展大型项目的能力。
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is important to China’s development vision. Under the BRI, Chinese policymakers have focused on exporting railway systems to developing countries, yet progress on some projects remains limited. This article focuses on delays associated with a planned railway project in Pakistan: the ML-1. It answers the following question: What explains delays in the ML-1 railway project despite strong Chinese interest in it? The article uses a two-step conceptual framework to answer this question. In the first step, it highlights the role of railway bureaucrats involved in project-level negotiations. It shows that local bureaucrats contribute to delays by actively negotiating technical parameters. Chinese firms have limited policy levers to ensure their acquiescence. In the second step, the article places delays in the context of Pakistan’s political economy by analysing the role of the political and military elite. It also explores the impact of political change and economic factors on the project. Projects not in sync with the local political elites’ development vision face delays. Domestic political changes also contribute to delays. Furthermore, a failure to gain major veto actors’ support, coupled with economic problems and differences over financing terms, constrains China’s ability to pursue large-scale projects.